Introduction with Summary
On 30 August, in the wake of intensified international pressure against the Burmese military regime, newly appointed Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt unveiled a 7-point ‘road map’ to democracy. According to Khin Nyunt, the SPDC road map will reconvene the stalled 1993 National Convention to draft a state Constitution, which will be voted on in a national referendum and ultimately result in ‘free and fair’ elections.1

However the regime’s stated intentions have been contradicted by their actions. Widespread human rights violations continue, even as the regime attempts to convince the international community and ethnic nationality groups that they are sincere about implementing their roadmap to democracy.

The murderous Depayin attack on 30 May 2003 was not an isolated incident, but the start of a crackdown intended to eliminate the democracy movement, including the NLD.

Since the attack, the SPDC has continued to detain and harass many other democracy advocates and NLD MPs. These ongoing violations of civil and political rights have continued even after the announcement of the roadmap. After 30 May the SPDC shut down most NLD offices throughout the country.2 Brig-Gen Than Tun said the NLD headquarters would remain closed “until the present problem is solved.”3

On 13 November, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar (Burma) Paulo Sergio Pinheiro reported to the UN General Assembly that there were “significant setbacks” in the human rights situation.4

Professor Pinheiro expressed serious concerns regarding “The ongoing systematic violation of human rights, including civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the people of Myanmar.” His report also criticizes the SPDC’s failure to cooperate with the UN Special Rapporteur’s proposal to investigate human rights abuses in ethnic nationality areas.5

On 14 November the SPDC issued a statement rejecting Pinheiro’s report and claiming it was based on information from “armed insurgent groups” and “eye witness” accounts that had “low or no credibility.”6

By 10 November, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan told the General Assembly that “The efforts of the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy to persuade the Government to agree to include the NLD (National League for Democracy), other political parties and representatives of all Myanmar’s ethnic nationalities in the earliest stages of the road map process and to set a time line for the map’s implementation have not borne fruit.”7

On 2 December, Amnesty International (AI) made its second visit to Burma. During its 17- day trip, the AI team was able to obtain clarification regarding the legal status of 75 individuals detained in conjunction with the May 30th attack. However, the regime refused to provide researchers with information on the total number of people imprisoned as a result of the 30 May attack. The team was also prohibited from meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. After the trip, AI released a statement noting “The authorities have told us to be patient, and that change may come soon. But these assurances ring hollow in the face of continuing repression. We will judge progress on human rights in Myanmar by concrete improvements on the ground. Fine words and vague promises for the future without any timetable for change carry little weight.”8

Overview: Civil and Political Rights
The Depayin Attack on 30 May has been part of a nationwide crackdown:

Arbitrary Detention
Between 1 September and 31 January, at least 28 people were arrested due to suspected political activities. Nine people were arrested for allegedly distributing political leaflets,9 and the remaining detainees were arrested on suspicion of political involvement or for unknown reasons.10

During the same period of time, 13 people, some of whom were arrested during this period and some arrested prior to 1 September, were given prison sentences of up to 15 years for their alleged political activities. 11 Meanwhile, by staggering releases of other political prisoners, the generals hoped to deflect attention from the ongoing crackdown on opposition members and anyone expressing criticism of the proposed roadmap.

Throughout this period the SPDC also continued its general harassment of pro-democracy advocates.12 NLD members were prohibited from meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and warned not to host political meetings or rallies.13 In many areas local authorities pressured NLD members to resign from the party.14 In November, NLD members attending the annual National Day commemoration ceremony in Rangoon were videotaped by military intelligence agents.15

Burma’s youngest political prisoner
Burma’s youngest political prisoner is a baby boy sent to prison with his mother shortly after birth.

A NLD member, the mother Ma San San Maw, was arrested by the military intelligence (MI) agents and sentenced to prison for complaining about the dire economic situation and arguing with the authorities while queuing for rice in Rangoon at the end of last 2002. She was hospitalised in Insein hospital on 4 October 2003 and she gave birth to a son on the next morning and named him Aung San Oh Wei in honour of Burma's national hero, Bogyoke Aung San. Both the mother and baby were sent back to the prison the next day.

Reports of conditions inside the prisons for women and children give ground for concern. Reports state they are suffering from various difficulties and diseases in Burmese prisons. Daw Khin San Nwe who was arrested and imprisoned in 1989 while she was pregnant and gave birth in the prison told DVB about her experiences as follows: "After I gave birth to my baby, they didn't give me enough water. It was very difficult to wash my baby and the nappies. I was not allowed to dry my baby clothing for three consecutive days when the official came to visit the prison. There were TB sufferers in the prison. The children were affected badly. Babies suffered from TB and skin diseases. The food was very poor for the mothers."16

Cases of arbitrary detention occurring after the roadmap was announced:

	In November, 9 people, including the editor of a weekly sports journal, were given death sentences after a court martial found them guilty of plotting to assassinate military leaders. On 26 July the regime accused them of planting bombs in Rangoon and having close ties to groups in exile.17 Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and the Burma Media Association (BMA) voiced outrage at the charges saying: "[The SPDC] has once again shown its criminal attitude towards journalists who refuse to comply with orders."18
	Two political prisoners have died while in detention. On 12 December 2003, Saw Sae Htoo Saw of the KNU died in Insein Prison, while U Shein Tin died on 28 January 2004 in Taungoo Prison, a month before he was due to be released.19 This was in addition to those killed in the Bassein Prison shooting (see Extrajudicial Killings). In November, another NLD member died of malaria after he was forced to flee to India following his interrogation by MI agents.20
	On 20 January, it was reported that the regime had arrested over 100 Buddhist monks who allegedly violated a curfew. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma (AAPPB) reports that the monks who are being detained at Insein Prison, have been disrobed and some were beaten during arrest.21
	By the end of February 2004, AAPPB estimated that 265 people were arrested, killed or disappeared during the May 30th attack and the regime’s subsequent crackdown on prodemocracy groups.22

The AAPPB also reported that 94 people arrested in conjunction with the 30 May attack remained in detention.

Update on Depayin Victims. 23

Background: Arbitrary Detentions between 31 May – 31 August 2003

	At least 43 political activists known to have been arrested between 31 May – 31 August 2003;
	29 people sentenced to jail for up to 11 years.

The detentions and harassment of NLD and pro-democracy activists taking place after the roadmap was announced are not a new development, but a continuation of the regime’s nationwide crackdown launched by the 30 May attack

In August, UN Special Rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro reported that “more than 100 NLD members and supporters, among them elected members of parliament, monks and students, were arrested, killed, wounded and missing [in conjunction with the 30 May attack].”24

Meanwhile, authorities also engaged in other forms of harassment including closing down businesses of NLD supporters, raiding monasteries and warning monks not to engage in politics, and forcing political activists to submit their bio-data to local officials.25

Between 31 May and 31 August, at least 43 NLD members and other political activists or suspected political activists were arrested by the regime.

6 people were arrested for publicly discussing the Depayin attack;26 at least 4 people were charged with distributing political leaflets;27

7 people were arrested for writing or attempting to organize NLD MPs to write letters to Sr. Gen Than Shwe urging him to investigate the 30 May attack;28and 6 others were arrested for their role in assisting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi during her trip around the country.29

The remaining detainees were arrested on suspicion of political involvement or for unknown reasons. 30

During the same period, 29 people were given prison sentences of up to 11 years for their alleged political activities.31

The following are among the numerous violations of civil and political freedoms reported during this period:

	26 June- it was reported that 3 NLD members from Matupi Township, Chin State, who had been arrested earlier in June, were sentenced to 11 years in prison. More than 20 other NLD members from Matupi Township have fled and gone into hiding.32
	10 July- 3 women NLD members in Rangoon were arrested after they sent a letter to Sr. Gen Than Shwe on behalf of the NLD women. The letter called for the release of everyone arrested on Black Friday, permission for NLD offices to reopen, and for an independent inquiry into the Depayin incident.33
	19 July- 6 people from Madaya, Mandalay Division were arrested for giving Aung San Suu Kyi protection during her Mogok to Mandalay journey. All were sentenced to over 3 years’ imprisonment.

Torture

At least 6 cases of torture, involving 19 men and women were reported in 4 States and Divisions.

At least 6 cases of torture involving 19 victims were reported between 1 September 2003 and 31 January 2004. Incidents of torture were reported in Shan State, Karen State, Arakan State, and Tenasserim Division. 35

Incidents of torture reported during this period:

Sentenced to Death

On November 28, 2003, nine workers were sentenced to death by the North Rangoon District Court following chargs of high treason under Section 122 of the Penal Code. It was alleged they had contacted opposition groups in exile, had detonated mines and bombs, and were planning to assassinate the rulers of the State. In fact charges were brought against them on the grounds of making contact with the United Nations' International Labour Organisation (ILO) 38.

On 6 September, 7 political prisoners in Bassein Prison, Irrawaddy Division began a hunger strike calling for the release of Daw Suu and all other political prisoners. Prison authorities stopped giving water to the protestors and soon non-political prisoners joined the protest.39 On 16 September, it was reported that security forces had fired upon the prisoners, killing at least 4 and injuring others. 150 prisoners were reportedly loaded onto trucks and taken to an unknown destination.40 In separate cases, 2 other prisoners died in custody of illnesses.

Meanwhile, 6 other cases of extra-judicial killing involving 11 people were reported in Karen State, Shan State and Arakan State:

	5 September- troops from IB (19) and LIB (431) shot into a hut near Thawlay village, Papun Township Karen State killing father and son, U Thar Yin and Saw Hpar Dee.41
	14 September- soldiers LIB 538 shot and killed one porter near Taung Dee and Khon Ka Won villages, Kya In Township, Doo Pla Ya District, Karen State.42
	11 October-2 displaced villagers, Lung Maan, aged 41, and Zaai Mya Awng, aged 21, were shot dead by SPDC troops of LIB515 near Nam-Zarng township, Shan State.43
	13 October- a displaced villager, Lung Pho Ma, aged 47, was captured by SPDC troops, tied to a tree, and smothered to death in Kun-Hing township, Shan State.44
	5 December- 3 Rohingya men from Thit Htone Nah Kkwa Sone (Riyazuddin Para) Village of Maungdaw Township, Arakan State were arrested and burned alive by Nasaka troops near Thinpaw Hla village. Family members were warned not to inquire about the killing or they would be ‘shot dead like a bird.’45
	20 December- SPDC troops seized Sho-kho villager Saw Ka Paw, aged 50, and took him to Bu-ko, Karen State and killed him. On the same day these soldiers killed Maw-tu-doe villager Saw Kaw Lar Thoo, aged 22. 46

Freedom of Expression
On 20 October, Paris-based Reporters without Borders (RSF) ranked Burma 164th out of 166 countries for press freedoms.47 Renowned journalists, including U Win Tin, 73 years old, continue to remain in extended detention.

Discrimination against Christians
On 1 October, the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) presented a statement to the U.S. House of Representatives’ joint subcommittee hearing on International Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Human Rights and Asia and the Pacific. Among other abuses by the SPDC against Chins, CHRO cited instances of forced conversions from Christianity to Buddhism, destruction of churches, SPDC censoring of sermons by Christian pastors and ministers, and burning of bibles. 48

Discrimination against Muslims
Local authorities imposed a strict curfew on Rohingyas since 4 November, when a mosque was attacked in Maungdaw Township Arakan State, sparking religious riots. The curfew is only applied to Rohingyas who are Muslims, and not to Buddhists. People found outdoors after 8pm have been arrested and forced to pay bribes in order to be released.49

On 15 January it was reported that Muslims from Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships in Arakan State were forced to pay 150,000 kyat to both the Nasaka and Military Intelligence in order to be allowed to perform Haj, the annual religious pilgrimage to Makkah.50

For details of arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial killings and other human rights violations perpetrated in ethnic nationality areas, please refer to the sections under the specific headings in other sections of this report.

On 10 December, the KNU agreed to a verbal ceasefire with the SPDC. Gen Bo Mya reported that "During the negotiations, Khin Nyunt confirmed that there will be no more military pressure on minority groups from now on and repeated that there will be no more fighting."51

Only 17 days later, however, the KNU had already documented numerous human rights violations in Karen areas since the ceasefire agreement. Abuses committed by SPDC soldiers included forced labor, destruction of homes and forced relocation, looting of property, and threats and beatings of villagers.52

Since announcing the roadmap, the regime has also continued to manipulate visits by international monitoring organizations to further their own agendas. The International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC) visited Shan State twice in September. During their visit on 8 September, the SPDC warned villages north and east of Laikha not to welcome the 12-member team and those residents known to be approachable were told to leave their homes.53

The heavy presence of SPDC troops made the villagers' extremely reluctant to cooperate with the ICRC fact finders.54

Deaths incurred
Between 1 September 2003 and 31 January 2004, 57 incidents of forced labor were documented in 6 different States and Divisions.

On 20 November The International Labor Organization (ILO) called on the SPDC to take ''concrete steps'' to address the problem of forced labor by next March. The ILO Governing Body also expressed serious concerns regarding forced labor in Burma, stating that while there were some improvements in central Burma, in the border areas the situation ''remains serious and has changed little.'' The body noted that attempts to institute an action plan to reduce forced labor have been delayed by political instability in the wake of the Depayin attack.55

Incidents of forced labor reported during this period:

	In October- Zaai Sai, aged 206 a displaced villager from Kaad Lur village relocation site, Nam-Zarng township, Shan State was taken away by SPDC troops to serve as a guide. In December he had still not returned to the relocation site and his family doesn’t know whether he is still alive.62
	12 October- 11 SPDC army porters escaped to KNLA lines. The porters, who were taken from Thayawaddy and Maubin prisons, were forced to act as human land mine sweepers. One porter, Zaw Win said he had been forced to carry 2,000 rounds of ammunition weighing about 25 kilograms for more than month. The escapees reported that in the past month, over 1,000 porters were brought to Pa-an from prisons for use in their current offensive against the KNLA. Another porter, Kyaw Lwin Oo, 29, reported that 3 of the porters had died after stepping on a landmine.63
	20 December- SPDC Operation Commander Khin Maung Oo of Operation Command-1 ordered 215 people from villages in Baw-ga-li area, Ta-ta-ban Township, Toungoo District, Karen State to clear a road of landmines. The troops ordered an additional 445 people to carry supplies for them from Baw-ga-li village to Pi-mu-kho. 64

Forced Relocation and Displacement

	22 incidents of forced relocation and/or destruction of homes and villages reported, affecting over 40 villages and towns in Shan, Mon, Karen, Karenni, and Arakan States and Tenasserim and Sagaing Divisions;
	The number of people affected in each incident ranged from several families to up to 3,000 people;
	Some incidents also involved torture and looting;
	Deaths from starvation and poor health conditions during displacement. One landmine injury reported;
	Forced relocations a result of military offensives and state development projects. Between 1 September 2003 and 31 January 2004, SPDC troops continued their offensives in ethnic nationality areas, destroying homes and villages and forcing thousands of people into hiding or relocation sites.

In other areas, people were forced out of their homes to make way for state development projects or ordered to move to different regions as part of the junta’s plan to alter the ethnic composition of certain areas. Reports received indicate that during this period, at least 22 incidents of forced relocation and/or destruction of homes and villages were reported. These abuses affected people in over 40 villages and towns in Shan, Mon, Karen, Karenni, and Arakan States and Tenasserim and Sagaing Divisions. The number of people affected in each incident ranged from several families to up to 3,000 people.65

Incidents of forced relocation reported during this period:

Landmines

	Burma continues to use landmines on a regular basis, manufacturing 3 types of antipersonnel landmines;
	Landmine casualties have been increasing;
	More landmine victims are crossing the Burmese border into Thailand.

In September, an International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) report named Burma as one of only 2 countries which continued to use mines on a regular basis.69

The SPDC army and at least 15 armed opposition groups are reportedly using landmines in 9 of the country’s 14 States and Divisions.70

Burma is also one of the world’s 15 mine producing countries, manufacturing 3 types of antipersonnel mines. The state-run Myanmar Defense Products Industries is reportedly the largest supplier of mines for the SPDC army. The number of casualties from landmines doubled from 57 in 2001 to 114 in 2002.71

There are increasing reports of landmine victims crossing the border into Tak Province. In September, the International Committee of the Red Cross reported 11 mine cases and in Mae La refugee camp there were 4.72 On 8 November, displaced villagers returning to Shan State from Thailand were killed by landmines – Sai Nyunt and Sai Pang died, and 4 others were injured.73

Violence Against Women

Sexual Assault

	At least 4 cases of rape and other forms of sexual abuse by SPDC soldiers, involving a total of 46 women, documented in Karen, Shan and Mon States;
	Some women victims of fatal gang rapes;
	Soldiers denying charges, forcing victims’ community leaders and husbands to sign statements.

At least 4 cases of rape by SPDC soldiers were documented between 1 September and 31 January 2004. Rapes were reported in Karen State, Shan State and Mon State. As the issue of rape by military forces has received increased international attention in the past year, the regime has worked hard to block information about these cases from leaving the country. As a result, it is very likely that more rapes occurred than have been reported.

In February, Nan Wa Wa Soe Thein, Karen Women’s Organisation spokesperson said that despite the ceasefire talks, there is ongoing evidence of violence against women. Even after having raped women, soldiers deny the charges, claiming they only took the women to serve as guides. “The soldiers also force the village pastors, elders and even the women’s own husbands at gunpoint to sign statements [confirming this]” she said. The KWO is urging human rights groups and other international organizations to monitor ongoing human rights violations, including sexual violence against women, in Karen areas.74

Trafficking
In September, Burma was placed on the lowest tier of US government standards for failing to make significant efforts to comply with the Trafficking Victims Protection Act’s minimum standards for the “elimination of trafficking.”78

Child Soldiers

	Forced conscription and abuse of child soldiers by SPDC continues;
	UN Secretary-General cites Burma for use of child soldiers. SPDC lashes out at “preposterous allegations”.

In November 2003, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan issued his annual report on children and armed conflict, placing Burma on a list of 15 nations using child soldiers. On 20 January, the SPDC lashed out against the UN report, dismissing the information as “preposterous allegations” and accused the UN of relying on data from “politically motivated NGOs” and “insurgents and dubious deserters.”79

A January report by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers stated “The Burmese army, the Tatmadaw, continued to recruit large numbers of child soldiers, despite government statements to the contrary.”80

In the same month, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) interviewed 2 deserters from the SPDC Army who described how they had been forced into the military as children. One of the deserters, Corporal Than Naing stated that military personnel in his town would seize 13 and 14 year old boys in teashops and force them into the army. Than Naing said that boys who didn’t have national ID cards were often beaten. The deserters reported that conscripted child soldiers were usually prohibited from contacting their parents, and subject to beating, poor food, backbreaking work and constant deductions from their salaries.81

Abuse of Economic Rights

	Paltry response to famine in west Arakan State;
	Onerous taxation of rice continues;
	SPDC strategy to depress rice prices causes worse hardship.
	Civil servants’ pay rise costly to civilians

The SPDC’s economic mismanagement and damaging fiscal policies, particularly concerning procurement and taxation of rice and other foodstuffs, continue to impoverish the people.

	August-rice had almost disappeared from the open market in western Arakan State. In September it was reported that a famine in the area had driven up the price of rice by a third.82
	12 November- it was reported that rice traders were being forced to pay 200 kyat tax on each 50 kg bag of rice to the Arakan State Peace and Development Council and the Border Security Forces (Nasaka).83
	1 January- the regime imposed a sudden ban on rice exports in an attempt to keep rice prices down. The ban caused rice prices to drop by up to 40%, to the point where farmers could not cover production costs. Export of chillies, onions, sesame and maize has also been banned and prices for these goods have fallen by 10-20%. 84
	9 January- it was reported that following the regime’s decision to grant a pay raise to civil servants, the prices of most basic foodstuffs in Arakan State, except for rice, have risen dramatically, causing hardship for other civilians. 85
	25 January- it was reported that the price of paddy in Rangoon Division had dropped by over 50% percent. This prompted 86 farmers to write to Lt-Gen Soe Win urging him to increase paddy purchasing prices. 86

Military Build-up and Consolidation

	Military build-up intensified, including widespread forced recruitment of men, women and children into the army and militias;
	At least 24 forced military trainings affecting thousands of people documented in 10 States and Divisions. They can be up to 25 days long, and involve small arms training. More are planned;
	The SPDC-controlled USDA plans to annihilate NLD with help from the authorities. The USDA has also forced tens of thousands of civilians to attend pro-roadmap rallies;
	The USDA, Myanmar Red Cross and Fire Brigade Units recruited into “anti-strike force” to suppress protests;
	USDA expansion rewards new members with tax exemptions. SPDC rewards expanded USDA with political recognition in future elections;
	Growing numbers of SPDC soldiers deserting in Shan State.

Forced Military Training

Military buildup has intensified, including widespread forced recruitment of villagers for military training. Recruitment of child soldiers continues and civilians are also being forced to join the SPDC army, as well as militia groups such as the newly created Pyithu Seik (People’s Army).87

On 21 July, the SPDC ordered all States and Divisions to conduct basic military trainings ‘to defend the nation from foreign enemies.’ Members of SPDC-controlled militia and civil organizations were required to attend, along with civil servants, and military personnel and their families. 88

In September, it was reported that authorities were preparing a second round of military trainings for civilians in rural areas.89

Once again, the junta hopes that scare tactics about ‘external enemies’ will distract people from the ongoing political crackdown and
economic crisis.

Between September and December, at least 24 forced military trainings affecting thousands of people were documented in 10 States and Divisions: 90

	21 July- SPDC authorities in Ta-Khi-Leak [Tachilek] Township, Shan State ordered that at least 1,000 men be trained for people’s militia in each village tract. Each training was 25 days long. The first training involved 90 men and commenced 25 July in Murng Phong village tract.91
	4 August- it was reported that 800 civil servants, both men and women, from Mudon Township, Mon State are being forced to buy uniforms and attend a month-long State Defense Force training. Trainees are taught how to use small arms, how to defend against an American invasion and to identify ‘destructive elements.’92

USDA’s Plan To Annihilate The NLD

On 6 February, the Asian Tribune exposed a secret Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) document outlining the association’s plans to destroy the democratic opposition, specifically the NLD. The USDA, chaired by Sr-Gen Than Shwe is promoted by the regime as “mass-movement,” but is in fact a civilian front for the SPDC, registered under the ministry of home affairs.93 The covert plan was drawn up by USDA members in South Okalapa Township, Rangoon Division under the guidance of the USDA central executive committee.

One of the 10 main points listed is the “Aim at eradicating all opposition activities.” The USDA intends to implement its plan with “cooperation and assistance from authorities.”94

Tactics listed to undermine opposition members include: jeopardizing their businesses and economic livelihoods, exploiting differences within families and communities, and urging authorities to take action against them. The document also details a strategy of “Annihilation through greater strength,” wherein the USDA will respond to any activities organized by the opposition by “recruiting members from adjacent areas and stage demonstrations, meet and discuss, and deal with head-on confrontation.”

This chilling document provides a context for the ongoing crackdown on the opposition and the visible growth in size and influence of the USDA. Information received shows that to date the USDA has already been able to successfully implement many aspects of this plan with the support of both top leadership and local officials.

USDA’s Role In The Roadmap

It is a cause for grave concern that the USDA has been granted such a prominent role in the SPDC’s so-called roadmap towards democracy. The USDA is notorious for their welldocumented role in planning, carrying out and cleaning up after the Depayin Attack.95 Prior to 30 May, the USDA had increased its harassment and threats on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her convoy. The USDA’s growing power is an apparent reward for their role in attacking and undermining the democratic opposition.

More recently, the USDA has been organizing mass rallies to support the roadmap, involving forced attendance by tens of thousands of local residents. To date at least 8 rallies, some with up to 25,000 participants, have been held in Rangoon, Tenasserim, and Mandalay Divisions and Karen, Arakan and Shan States.96

Anti-Strike Force
In September, it was reported that since 30 May, the SPDC has been recruiting members of the Red Cross of Myanmar and Fire Brigade Unit, specifically USDA members, for “thabaik- hlan-a-hpweh” (Anti-Strike Organizations) throughout the state. The SPDC is reportedly using the anti-strike forces and other paramilitary groups to quell any unrest.97

Rewards
In September, residents of Kengtung, Mongyawng, Monghpyak and Tachilek Townships in Shan State said that each village was required to “appoint” 5 residents as USDA members.

Other village residents are required to provide extra food for families of these members. New recruits are exempted from official taxes. High School and university students who join the USDA are reportedly given up to 20 extra marks.98

While the USDA is officially registered as a social organization under the ministry of home affairs, the association is extending its influence into the political sphere.99

In October, it was reported that the SPDC has agreed to allow the Mon State USDA to become a legal political party and the association will compete in future elections according to the regime’s 7-point roadmap.100 There are additional reports that the USDA in Shan State is also preparing to enter future elections as a new political party.101

Increasing Desertions in Shan State
In November, it was reported that a growing number of SPDC soldiers have been deserting due to low morale and divisions between officers and foot soldiers. On 24 November, an SPDC army captain and 10 soldiers from IB 132 based in Mawkmai, Shan State deserted to a Shan State Army Unit. The soldiers said they could not stand the torture of their commander and escaped after killing him. Most of the deserters had been forcibly conscripted.102

On 26 November, another group of 13 soldiers from the 4th platoon of the 514th Light Infantry Division from Tone Long Camp surrendered to the SSA.103

Footnotes: