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executive summary
BAT is one of the most important UK investors in Burma.
Its Burmese subsidiary Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar
is a joint venture with Burmas military regime; a regime described
by the US State Department as brutal, repressive, and routinely
using torture. 1
The facts in brief:
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BATs factory in Burma is a joint venture
with the military regime. |
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The industrial zone where BAT has its factory
was upgraded by the military authorities using child labour. |
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BAT pays its factory workers around 23p a day. |
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Ken Clarke QC MP, Deputy Chairman of BAT, has
said he is uncomfortable with companies investing
in Burma. |
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Aung San Suu Kyi, Burmas democracy leader,
has asked companies not to invest in Burma. |
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It would take 85 years (three generations) for
one of BATs factory workers in Burma to earn what BAT
Chairman Martin Broughton earns in a single day. 2 |
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By investing in Burma BAT is collaborating with a regime
that routinely uses rape and torture to suppress its own people.
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The regime in Burma spends just 44p per person
per year on health and education combined. |
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BAT makes a profit of £5,136 a minute. It
would take just 6 minutes worth of BATs annual profits
to give its workers in Burma a years salary as severance pay.
3 |
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In a letter to a constituent, BAT Deputy Chairman Ken Clarke stated
I must admit that I do sometimes feel uncomfortable
about investment in that country (Burma). He
went on to say The problem of Burma arises when companies
start collaborating with an extremely unpleasant regime which
is totally contrary to our notions of civil liberties and democracy.
This is exactly what BAT are doing. Ironically Ken Clarke is
also Chair of BATs Ethics Committee, and has said that (BATs)
approach to corporate social responsibility was important in my
decision to join (the company). 4
background - the dictatorship in burma
Burmas military dictatorship
Burma is a country ruled by one of the longest running and most
brutal military dictatorships in the world; a dictatorship charged
by the United Nations with a crime against humanity
for its systematic abuses of human rights, and condemned internationally
for refusing to transfer power to the legally elected Government
of the country the party led by Nobel Peace Laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi.
Democracy denied
Burmas people have had one single and dramatic opportunity
to reject the dictatorship that has ruled them for four decades.
In 1990 free elections were held. To the amazement of Burmas
Generals, who had done all they could to fragment the vote (through
the creation of hundreds of political parties), Aung San Suu Kyis
National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, taking
82% of the seats. However, the aspirations of Burmas people
were ignored and further repression of the democratic movement took
place. Political power has never been transferred from the military
to the elected assembly. Indeed, since the election around half
of all NLD MPs have been detained - many have suffered torture,
and some have died in custody. Today the regime clings to power
through fear and oppression while the Burmese people suffer from
ever increasing poverty.
Burmas military regime is responsible for:
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Millions of men, women and children in forced
labour often imposed with the threat of physical abuse, torture,
rape and murder. |
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The detention of at least 1,400 political prisoners,
many of whom are routinely tortured. |
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Spending just 44p per person per year on health
and education combined. Even Sierra Leone, ranked by the UN
as the poorest country in the world, spends almost three times
as much on health alone. |
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More child soldiers than any other country in
the world. |
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The refusal to transfer power to Aung San Suu
Kyis party, the National League for Democracy, elected
to Government in 1990. |
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Thousands of refugees who have fled to Thailand,
China, India and Bangladesh. |
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One of the largest armies in Asia despite having
no external enemies. |
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Reducing what was once one of the richest countries in Asia
to one of the worlds poorest. Over 60% of Burmese people
live in extreme poverty. (Less than 60p a day)
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the disinvestment campaign
I dont think we have found evidence that sanctions
have harmed the Burmese people, because they have been clearly
limited and many of those who have suffered under sanctions have
belonged to the business community. Naturally some ordinary employees
have been exposed, but we have not yet found proof that large
numbers of Burmese have suffered as a result of sanctions. Sanctions
have a role to play because they are a strong political message.
But also because they are an economic message.
Aung San Suu Kyi speaking two days after her release from house
arrest in May 2002. 5
In response to calls from Burmas democracy movement, the
Burma Campaign UK and other campaign groups around the world have
been pressuring companies to sever business ties with Burma.
The European Parliament, the British government, Burmas democrats,
the US government and many other bodies and institutions recognise
the role investment plays in strengthening Burmas regime.
The British government actively discourages trade and investment
in Burma - Robin Cook, when Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
made an unprecedented call to Premier Oil and other British companies
to pull out of Burma.
Concern about the role foreign investment plays in perpetuating
the brutal regime is also widespread in the private sector. In December
2001 European investment funds managing over £400bn in assets
issued an groundbreaking statement of concern about companies investing
in Burma.
Over the last five years a large number of foreign companies have
withdrawn from the country. The reasons cited for doing so include:
difficulties in working with the regime, consumer boycotts, damage
to company reputation and incompatibility with corporate values.
These companies now include amongst others: Texaco, Adidas, Levi
Strauss, Pepsico, Ericcson, Heineken, Carlsberg, British Home Stores,
Burton, River Island, Apple, Reebok and Compaq.
In January 2002 the Burma Campaign UK won a major victory over the
Swiss company Triumph International, who had been producing garments
in Burma. After a short and aggressive high profile campaign against
Triumph the company agreed to withdraw from Burma by May 2002. It
stated International pressure from different NGOs, in the
case of Nike, Adidas and others, has taught us that it is very difficult
to escape. Management accepted that the money from their lease went
to the government, and that had been the deciding factor.
6
This success was followed in September 2002 by the withdrawal of
Premier Oil from Burma following a decade long campaign.
BAT, as one of the highest profile investors in Burma, faces the
largest global campaign organised so far by democracy campaigners.
background on bats investment in burma
BATs Burmese subsidiary is Rothmans of Pall Mall
Myanmar - a joint venture (60%-40%) with the Union of Myanmar Economic
Holdings (UMEH). UMEH is owned and controlled by Burmas military
regime.
Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar began operations in Burma on 10 August
1995. Initiated by Rothmans Singapore subsidiary, it became
part of BAT when they merged with Rothmans in 1999. BAT decided
to continue with the investment. In its first social audit report
in 2002 BAT admitted that UK stakeholders had said that the company
should withdraw from Burma, but stated:
In line with our position, Rothmans of Pall Mall (Myanmar)
intends to continue conducting its business in Myanmar in the
belief that this is the best way for a commercial organisation
to fulfil its role and to contribute to economic, environmental
and social development goals and to the spread of best practice.
BAT is not in Burma to contribute to its development. As its own
Deputy Chairman has admitted, BATs collaboration with the
regime actually harms Burma. Quite simply Burma provides cheap labour
for BAT. The annual salary of a BAT factory worker is approximately
£68.52 a year.
BATs factory is located in the military owned Pyinmapin Industrial
Zone located in Mingaladon township, Rangoon division. This industrial
zone was upgraded in 1996 by construction crews made up of child
labourers. UMEH contributed the land and the factory building to
the venture. 7
The factory employs approximately 410 people and produces the London
Cigarettes brand and 555 brands, mainly for domestic consumption.
8 Factory workers are paid around 23p a day. The
United Nations defines people living on less than 60p a day as living
in extreme poverty.
The cigarettes are distributed by the Myawaddy Trading Co. This
is also a subsidiary of UMEH and is based in Rangoon.
In 2000-2001 profits from the factory were US$1.06 million. If split
60-40 then the factory earns the regime and its cronies $400,000
a year. 9 This is enough to buy 20,000 AK47 assault
rifles. Around 20% of the cigarettes are for export to neighbouring
countries. The regime earns a further 10% export tax on these cigarette
exports.
BATs subsidiary sponsors the largest golfing event in Burma,
The London Gold Tour, named after its London Cigarette brand.
BAT makes a profit of £5,136 a minute. It would take just
6 minutes worth of BATs annual profits to give its workers
in Burma a years salary as severance pay. 10
Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH)
UMEH is a key vehicle used by the regime to attract foreign investment.
Created by SLORC order No 7/90 on 19 February 1990, the regime injected
an initial US$1.4bn into the company. Forty percent of the shares
in the company are designated class A shares and are owned by the
Ministry of Defence. The remaining 60% of the shares are designated
class B and are allocated to military personnel and organisations.
Many of the shares belong to friends, relatives and cronies of those
in the ruling regime.
about bat
Our goals are to continue creating long term sustainable
shareholder value, and to lead the tobacco industry in demonstrating
corporate social responsibility and wider accountability.
Martin Broughton, Chairman BAT
We must strive to ensure an impeccable reputation in
every sphere
Ken Clarke QC MP, Deputy Chairman of BAT 11
BAT is ranked as the 18th largest company in the UK in an FT Global
survey in May 2002. It was also ranked as 204th largest company
in the world with a market capitalisation of $21bn. Profits before
exceptionals in 2001 were £2.7bn.
Its brands include Dunhill, Rothmans, Lucky Strike, Pall Mall, Benson
& Hedges (in Asia), and Kent. They sell 900bn cigarettes a year
and employ 100,000 people in 180 countries.
BAT is the second largest international tobacco company and has
15 per cent of the global cigarette market.
BAT is a British company, with its HQ in London. Through subsidiaries
it also operates under the names Brown and Williamson in the US,
Souza Cruz in Brazil and P.J. Carroll & Co in Ireland.
This report was compiled by Burma Campaign UK and Federation of
Trade Unions Burma, with the support of UNISON, Britains
biggest trade union.
Burma Campaign UK
25/27 Bickerton Rd
London
N19 5JT
Tel 020 7324 4710
Fax 020 7272 3559
info@burmacampaign.org.uk
Federation of Trade Unions - Burma
www.tradeunions-burma.org
UNISON
www.unison.org.uk
November 2002
Footnotes:
1. US State Department Human Rights Report 2001
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2001/eap/8260.htm
2. Martin Broughtons salary and bonuses in 2001
were £1,514,125, equivalent to £5,823 a day. (BAT Annual
Review 2001).
Average life expectancy in Burma is 55 years. Minimum working age
is 13.
3. Based on 2001 operating profit before exceptional
items of £2,771 million. And an estimated total annual salary
bill for Burmese workers at BATs factory of approximately
£28,093.
4. www.bat.com. As Deputy Chairman Ken Clarke was
paid £118,750 in 2001.
5. Amnesty International Press Release 10 May 2002
6. Church Times 26 April 2002
7. Myanmar Information Committee Information Sheet
10th January 2000, www.myanmar-information.net
8. FTUB
9. FTUB
10. Based on 2001 operating profit before exceptional
items of £2,771 million. And an estimated total annual salary
bill for Burmese workers at BATs factory of approximately
£28,093.
11. www.bat.com
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